That wass a lot of work and a great way to visualize the various projections. However I have a few problems with the conclusions.

First, it seems strange to me that we don't settle down to the "straight line" part of the curve until 1983. You sort of downplay this point by suggesting that world oil production was not "mature" in oil production until then. But that seems to be an odd thing to say. Worldwide oil production had been going on for decades by that time. What happened in 1983 to make oil production "mature" afterwards and not "mature" beforehand?

And besides, the reasoning behind the logistics curve is supposed to apply just as much in the early days as the late days. We are supposed to have exponential growth, an inflection point, and then exponentially decreasing growth. If the data doesn't fit that curve before 1983, it casts doubt on the model.

I also think that the theoretical justification for the model's end-state behavior is pretty weak. While it might make sense for a given oil field (and I have seen such curves look pretty good for individual fields), running out of oil on a world-wide basis is a very different phenomenon, especially if there are no good replacements. With prices rising through the roof the incentive to find more oil and increase productivity will plausibly move us considerably above the logistics curve. The very fact that prices are higher towards the end of the curve than at the beginning is going to bias most production towards that end state. That means that extrapolating behavior during the low-price regime is going to underestimate total production levels. That makes the CERA curve not look so bad to me.

Even just eyeballing the graph, the CERA and Koppelaar projections both look to me like better extrapolations of the last few years' trends than the yellow line.

These are all problems with the theory being used to model the shape of the worldwide production function. I still think it was very nice work to present the data in this form and compare the different estimates and models in this way.

I agree with some of your points Halfin. I wouldn't generally expect a model this simple for a phenomenon as complex as the global oil industry to be more than qualitatively right. If anything, the mystery is why it's done so incredibly well at fitting the US data (but it has, at least after circa 1958). It is mysterious why the data look crazy on these plots at the beginning and settle down later. Only time will tell if the upjog in the actuals of the last couple of years is just noise, or the start of a fundamentally different regime than we saw over the last two decades. At this point, it doesn't look out of the noise regime yet.

At least in the US data (which I guess I should make another post of some day), if you plot price on the same graph as the overall production, you can pretty clearly see that price causes the second order wiggles around the basic logistic form of the graph. Global peak might cause larger price excursions and be able to distort the graph more than the US graph got distorted.

I have seen a few of these types of graphs from Jean Laherrere in his Lisbon talk and they all seem to spike at the beginning, whether they are for individual fields, US states, or even countries.  It is probably the nature of an oil field itself.  Initially the gushers at the beginning force high production with their high pressure, but then things settle down into a steady pumping 'rhythm'.

Remember, the graph is not a graph of time, and the 'early' values depend heavily on accumulated production, so small 'inaccuracies' at the beginning are heightened.

It is not unlike the 'estimated time left' calculation that is done when you download a file.  In the first few seconds the estimate can go all over the place, but then it settles down to a fairly steady rate.

Both the US and the world graphs don't settle down until cumulative production reaches about half way to peak annual production (at the upwards inflection point in an annual production versus time graph). Also, the early distortions are in both case systematically above the linear trend once it appears, not randomly above and below. So I think we need a more powerful explanation than you propose - it appears there might be some systematic correction to the model needed to explain the early years better.
I guess the question is, where did the EIA get this early data from?  Was there any financial benefit to US producers in the early days to over-estimate production and under-estimate cumulative production?  Perhaps there was a timeliness issue about the reporting of early cumulative production - i.e. they reported them later.

I would say that given the fact that a lot of that early data would have been in the first half of the 20th century, that it's reliability would be questionable, compared to the accuracy of data resulting from the second half.

Anyway, the more settled data later is just that, settled, so I would tend to believe that was more the 'norm'.

"I also think that the theoretical justification for the model's end-state behavior is pretty weak. While it might make sense for a given oil field (and I have seen such curves look pretty good for individual fields), running out of oil on a world-wide basis is a very different phenomenon, especially if there are no good replacements. With prices rising through the roof the incentive to find more oil and increase productivity will plausibly move us considerably above the logistics curve. The very fact that prices are higher towards the end of the curve than at the beginning is going to bias most production towards that end state. That means that extrapolating behavior during the low-price regime is going to underestimate total production levels. That makes the CERA curve not look so bad to me."

Bingo!  This is a point that I've been meaning to bring up here.  Worldwide PO is a very different phenomenon than an individual well, field, or even country reaching peak.  The reason is simple: Incentives.

Halfin correctly points out the effect rising prices have as we approach the world peak, but let's also look at what happens when a country reaches peak.  Assume it's 1970-ish, and you run an oil company.  You have the rights to some fields in the US (onshore or off) that can be profitably exploited only at a ridiculously high market price, say >= $20/barrel.  Of course you don't extract and market that oil, as it would be a money losing operation.  The fact that the US just reached peak is irrelevant--there's enough production from the rest of the world to keep the price below your magic threshold.

Fast forward to 2005, and not only have market prices increased, but improved technology has likely reduced your cost of production by anywhere from a little to a lot.  It could very well be a financially sound move to produce oil from that field now.

Similarly, as market prices rise there will be some demand response, as we've seen very recently from China.

And on top of that, we have public policy, in which those of us lucky enough to have enlightened leaders can look ahead and take actions now to further reduce consumption.  Plus infrastructure bottlenecks, supply constraints caused by natural and man-made phenomena, etc.

Any model that's based solely on geology and ignores these other factors will inevitably predict a quicker arrival of the peak, with a sharper decline.  I have no idea how to adjust the model to take all these issues into account; if I did, I would be on the short list to replace Alan Greenspan.

I'm not anti-model, by any means; hell, when I was (briefly) in economics grad school one of my planned areas of specialization was econometrics.  IMO, as useful as models are, they're most useful when we're aware of both their strengths and weaknesses.

Mmmm. There is also an argument that the combined effect of prices and new technology is to move production forwards, and then cause steeper declines. The (1-Q) term in Hubbert's model is kind of like randomly searching for oil (so the chances of finding it are proportional to the amount remaining), or sucking oil with a vertical well out of a depleting layer, with increasing amounts of water coming in from the bottom of your well. When instead, you know exactly where the oil is because you've mapped the geology and done 4D seismic on the field, and when you've put MRC wells exactly into the top of your oil layer, then you can keep production higher for longer, but it's going to collapse a lot faster afterwards.

Eg, Colin Campbell used to estimate URR at 1.6T. He's had to increase his estimate several times in order to have a roughly Hubbertian peak (to the great joy of Michael Lynch). But one alternative explanation would be there really only ever was 1.6T (or some number thereabouts), and technology effects will cause the curve to dive below the linear trend (ie a substantially asymmetric peak on the production/time graph).

At this point, the data are too unclear for me to feel comfortable taking a firm position on this possibility. I don't think it can be ruled out.

I made a similar argument on the PASO thread this morning:

using US production as a model for global production is invalid because the US is not a closed market system: US production is price sensitive (+), so US production responds to changes in world prices, and thus declining US production is NOT a reflection of absolute limits on US supply, but rather a consequence of competition with low-cost foreign producers.  

It's like saying that the decline of the US consumer electronics industry is a model for the impending decline of the global consumer electronics industry.  Except that, quite obviously, US electronics makers declined because they have been under-cut by low-cost foreign producers and protected "national champion" electronics firms, first in Japan, then Korea and Taiwan, and now China.  And, equally obviously, total production of consumer electronics has and will continue to rise.

JLA offered good comments, which I responded to there.  In particular, he pointed out that if competition from cheaper oil sped up the decline following the 1970 peak (i.e., from 1970-1973), the high prices in 1974-1985 should have led to a resurgence in US production.  As I noted - that's what in fact happened.

I think perhaps a way to moderate the mutual distrust of the geologists and economists is to view the market for oil as having distinct segments: $10 oil, $20, $40, $80, etc... (in inflation-adj. constant dollars) They replace each other.  They exist in different quantities, in different locations, and peak at different times and rates.

$10 oil peaked decades ago.
$20 oil peaked very recently.
$40 oil is only starting to be developed (again - it's first heyday was 1979-85).

As a result, while the depletion curves for a specified price may be accurate, you'll have to consider the effects of rising prices on total oil production.  While field depletion in a constant-price environment - recent North Sea, US 1970-73, etc., may be steep, global depletion in a rising price environment will be MUCH slower when it happens (and the transition to declining production may consequently be quite far off).

I believe that much of that surge in US production was from Prudhoe Bay, a massive find that we are not likely repeat in the U.S.  Prudhoe Bay peaked in 1987 and continues to decline despite rising prices.

Article:
 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/06/06/AR2005060601742.html

Graphic:
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/graphic/2005/06/07/GR2005060700548.html

There is no question that higher prices make the exploitation of more fields feasible.  My question, however, is whether any combination of tar sands, heavy oil, deep water, polar, etc., will make up for declining production rates from the North Sea, Alaska, Saudi Arabia (sooner or later), Iraq, Mexico, Indonesia, etc.?  I have my doubts.  If not, the oil that might be produced profitably at $40 might sell for $100+ due to overall limited supply.