Extrapolating World Production

This piece takes on how to model and extrapolate the world production curve. It is long and a bit complex. However, I think it's worth the effort, because there's some absolutely fascinating stuff going on in the world production curve.

We will try to build the graph to the right in a series of easy stages. It shows average annual oil production on a semilog plot with a variety of models fit to the data and extrapolated. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

Oh, and for you inpatient ones, the linearization stability analysis says the world

  • URR is 2250 ± 260gb
  • K is 4.93 ± 0.32%
  • the logistic peak is May 2007 ± 4.5 years
Those are intended as two-sigma error bars. However, see below the fold for more important caveats before taking this away - there is still some residual uncertainty about the validity of this extrapolation in my mind. Finally, the most pessimistic model doesn't reach sustained decline rates of 5% until 2038, so peak is still a slow squeeze.

Firstly, the production data. I have finally managed to get pretty complete data for historical world production. The graph below has data from four sources. Jean Laharrere very kindly emailed me data from the American Petroleum Institute which for the global series runs from the start of production in Romania in 1857 through 1993. I believe this series is crude only. Then I have the data which appears to be what ASPO uses as historical data in their plots. I obtained this by the slightly unorthodox method of ripping it out of the data table for a chart in this Powerpoint presentation from Colin Campbell. That series runs 1930-2001. I don't know where ASPO ultimately got it from. Then I have more conventionally obtained EIA Table 4.4 and BP data from 1970-2004, and 1965-2004 respectively. If we plot them all, we get:

Average annual oil production from various estimates. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, except API line is crude only. EIA line includes refinery gains, others do not. Sources: ASPO, BP, and EIA.

The discrepancies are likely due to different definitions of exactly what is being measured. The API data I believe does not include NGLs, which all the others do. The EIA includes refinery gains, which the others do not. The ASPO and BP data agree quite well in their overlap (though not exactly).

Now, we recently discussed the fact that the US production curve is beautifully fitted by a Gaussian mathematical model. That allowed for some fairly stable extrapolations. Also, the similarity of the logistic and Gaussian curve, except in the extreme tails, explained why the logistic also works ok in the US case. In the world case, even a cursory glance at the data indicate we are not going to be in quite such happy curve-fitting territory (though it's not nearly as sketchy as our quick exploration of Kuwaiti production). We will get to more modeling in just a second, but first let's look at the data a different way.

This graph shows the percentage change from one year to the next.

Percentage change in average annual oil production from one year to the next according to various estimates. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, except API line is crude only. EIA line includes refinery gains, others do not. Sources: ASPO, BP, and EIA.

You can see that, on the whole, growth rates have been steadily declining, though not smoothly so. Also, the noisiness of the curve is decreasing a lot: as WebHubbleTelescope noted in a slightly different context a little while back, this is significant. It's decreasing because we don't have lots of big new fields coming on to cause wild increases in production (and corresponding gluts, price collapses, and shut-ins). Of course, the point where the growth rates cross the x-axis and become negative is peak oil.

In order to have a single sequence to model, I proceeded to combine the production sequences as follows. Before 1930, I only have the API series, so I use that. From 1930-1964 I use the ASPO series. Then from 1965-2001, I use the average of the BP and ASPO values. Finally, from 2002-2004, I use the BP series. So this approximately models all liquids without refinery gains. The rest of this post all takes that combined series.

I was next moved to plot the data on a semilog plot. Partly this is because semilog plots make a gaussian curve into a quadratic (which fits the US production curve beautifully), and partly it was because of intriguing things I noticed in the growth graph. So anyway, here's just the data, before I start leading your eye with models of it. The x-axis is just the year from 1860 to 2010. The y-axis is logarithm to base 10 of daily production in millions of barrels. So "0.0" corresponds to 1mbpd, "1.0" corresponds to 10mbpd, "1.5" to 31.6mbpd, "2.0" to 100mbpd and so on.

Log (base 10) of average annual oil production from various estimates. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids excluding refinery gains. Sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

So, is it just my eye, or does that look to you like a sequence of straight lines - with a little noise on top? Of course, a straight line on a semilog plot corresponds to true exponential growth in the production versus time graph (ie a constant growth rate).

Well, now I will lead your eye. Here's how it breaks down visually to me:

Average annual oil production on a semilog plot with piecewise exponential fit. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

I've color coded each time range that strikes me as a straight line, and added a linear fit (which would be an exponential in the underlying production graph). Seems to do quite well at describing the data, yes?

Not to say thats it's completely uniquely specified, or perfect. It seems to get better over time, and in particular, there's more than one way to handle the first world-war and early twenties. However, I still think it's capturing some interesting features of the data. Here's a table that give the average growth rates during each of those intervals (as computed from the slopes of the linear fits).

  1860-1891     13.9%  
  1891-1929     7.9%  
  1929-1942     3.9%  
  1942-1973     7.4%  
  1973-1979     2.1%  
  1979-1983     -4.0%  
  1983-2004     1.5%  

Many of these dates have some economic or political significance (though I didn't pick them that way - I was just looking at the data). I didn't know of any significance to the early 1890s, but it turns out there were massive droughts in the US in that timeframe, and then monetary problems, culminating in a financial panic in 1893. 1929 is of course the end of the roaring twenties and beginning of the great depression. That seems to have led to lower rate of growth in world oil production, which ends in 1942 as the US, much the world's largest producer at the time, enters the second world war. From then on, world growth in production is higher until the 1973 oil shock. Between the shocks, growth in oil production is lower but still positive (except for 1974). However, after the shocks, there is a brief period of declining oil usage until 1983, when we enter the region of slow growth in oil usage that lasted until very recently. I suspect that we are now on the threshold of a new era, one way or another.

While this model is very interesting descriptively, it obviously has very limited predictive power by itself, since it only asserts "oil production is piecewise exponential", but not how to predict the date or slope of the next link in that chain of exponential pieces.

So, let's add in the quadratic associated with a Gaussian peak in the production versus time graph. This next graph fits a quadratic to the entire data series from 1860-2004 (the black curve). Voila:

Average annual oil production on a semilog plot with quadratic (ie Gaussian) fit in addition to piecewise exponentials. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

I have to say this graph nearly blew my mind. Firstly, as in the US, the Gaussian does a surprisingly good job of fitting an enormous range of data (through four orders of magnitude change in the volume of production). But more significant is the nature of the noise. I don't think we have an adequate understanding yet of why the US curve is so Gaussian, still less this one. However, my speculation, following an idea of Khebab's, would have been that it's Gaussian because if you convolute a messy discovery curve with enough different and long lived development and production and decline processes, you end up with a Gaussian. If that was true, you'd expect the leading source of noise about the Gaussian to be lumpiness due to individual large fields being discovered and developed (eg Prudhoe Bay). I didn't check this in the US case, but I was vaguely assuming that to be likely.

However, that clearly can't be what's going on here. Here the leading source of noise about the Gaussians is the different trends in the growth rate (the colored straight lines that cross back and forth over the black line). They have "economics" written all over them, not developments of particular fields. Eg, where's the Ghawar bump (production started in 1951)? Or even the Middle East bump? They're just not there; they are buried in that beautiful straight line from 1942 to 1973.

In short, there is no clear visible evidence of the discovery curve showing through into production any time recently. And yet, there's that quadratic fitting the thing from end to end. Why?

The picture that emerges - and I stress that this is a highly speculative story at this point - is that there is some kind of random-exploration-through-oil-space reason for why production curves in large regions tend to be Gaussian. However, the economy tends to come to relatively long-lived cultural agreements about how fast oil usage should grow, which control the approximate rate of growth (with considerable yearly noise). These cultural agreements last until they get too out of whack with what is possible based on geological/exploration considerations (eg perhaps in 1973), or the economy goes through some kind of trauma which changes the expectation (eg the 1979 oil shock, or the 1942 need to mobilize production for the war effort).

Again, don't bank on that last paragraph - further work is required to substantiate that, or to suggest a better way of looking at the situation. But it's certainly an interesting working hypothesis. (I should also mention that it's worth looking at WebHubbleTelescope's oilshock model for additional backround.)

However, in extrapolating forward to do prediction, we found in the US case that the Gaussian does a bad job before the peak - it's predictions are unstable. The problem is not that the Gaussian does not fit the data well. Instead the problem appears to be that there are too many different Gaussians that fit the data about equally well, and they have a broad range of implications going forward. Until there is post peak data, therefore, the Gaussian projection is not well-constrained and it jerks around violently depending on exactly what data range is used for the fit.

For this reason, we return to our old workhorse of Hubbert linearization, which was the most stable method pre-peak on the US data (I described the basic rationale for this method, such as it is, several months ago.)

What I have done in the following graph is to keep the same color codings of regions as I used in the semilog plot, so we can see what we are linearizing.

Hubbert linearization of global oil production. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Color coding of data ranges matches the previous plots. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

In his book Beyond Oil, Deffeyes picks 1983 to start his linearization, and it's obvious why. If we do the same, we get the fit shown above, with a URR of 2250gb, and a K of 4.93%. If we return to the production domain and insist on a peak date that means the logistic cumulative production by the end of 2004 matched the actual production to the end of 2004 (1059gb in my composites series), we end up with a smooth peak in May 2007.

Professor Deffeyes was obviously fitting to a different series -- mostly likely crude alone, without NGLs. He doesn't cite his data source, so we don't know.

Before I launch into a stability analysis, I want to highlight one of the big caveats here in light of what we discovered above. The answer we got obviously depends on the fact that we fit to the bright green 1983-2004 region, which is the last of the pieces in the piecewise exponential model I showed above on the semilog plots. If that piece had had a different slope, we obviously would have got a different answer. Do we know if, in an alternative universe with the same geology but different economic history after 1860, that particular segment of the curve must have had that slope? I'm not sure we do - our most compelling argument right now really comes down to "linearization has worked elsewhere" (which is true, but not 100% satisfying). And if we don't know that the slope must be what it is, then the extrapolation is more uncertain than the following stability analysis would suggest.

In particular, had we decided to linearize in 1983, we would have got the wrong answer based off that steep approximately linear region from 1973-1983 (the purple and orange regions in the graphs above). Just for kicks, let's combine those regions and do that bad linearization:

Hubbert linearization of global oil production (warning - this is a bad extrapolation for illustration purposes only. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

So we'd have thought that URR was 860gb, K was around 10.5%, so bad declines on the way, and that we were at 63% of the URR (what WesTexas calls Qt). How would we have known this was garbage? It doesn't look any worse than what we just did with Kuwait!

Well, if we'd looked at the whole curve, maybe we'd have said, "Oh, it looks like there's some risk we're fitting a noise feature, instead of something that matches the trend, we'd better wait and see." On the other hand, maybe we'd have said, "Gaussian's are not reliable before the peak anyway, let's just trust the linearization."

Semilog plot illustrating the situation in 1983 with the bad Hubbert linearization of global oil production (warning - this is for illustration purposes only). The bad linearization is based on the purple data. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

My sense is that the last two decades represent a much better basis to extrapolate than that decade, but still, bear in mind as we go into the stability analysis that it fundamentally assumes that extrapolating the 1983 onward linear region is a valid thing to do, and I think some sniff of question-mark should still attach to that until we have a stronger theoretical understanding than we do at present.

I suspect that we really need evidence of peak from outside the linearization itself to tell us whether it is likely to be valid or not. For example, if almost all known discoveries are in production, oil is over $60, and the price is still going up, that might be suggestive:-)

There's another big caveat coming, but let's do the stability analysis. First is the value of K (which is the intercept of the y-axis in the linearization). K controls the width of the peak in the logistic curve, and also the speed of growth in the past and declines in the future (which asymptotically approach K in both cases, though with opposite sign).

If we start varying the start and end date of our linearization and see how K changes, we get the following surface:

Stability surface for K in the Hubbert linearization of global oil production as a function of the start and end year of fitting. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

So the stability surface is that small flat area in the front center of the picture, with start dates between 1983 and about 1990, and end dates from 1994 on. Not exactly the broad plains of the US stability analysis, but perhaps we can set up a small farm there on the side of the mountain. Obviously, the linear region only begins in 1983, so if we start before that our K estimate climbs rapidly to the "bad" linearization with K=10.5%. On the other hand, if we work with less than a decade, we get into major problems of fitting the noise instead of the trend.

So this is a density plot just of the actual portion I used for the stability estimate:

Density plot of stability surface for K in the Hubbert linearization of global oil production. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Scale is 0% (blue) to 10% (red), with 5% being green. Contours are 0.1% apart. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

The blue triangle at the bottom is excluded because it corresponds to places where the linear fit is less than a decade in length. If we look at the sample deviation in the K estimate over this region, we find it that it is 0.16 percentage points, which I doubled to give the 0.32% error bar in the outset.

Turning now to the estimate of ultimate recovery, here's the surface: There's more fluctuation in the URR (because that long extrapolation forward can change it's intercept with only modest changes in slope).

Stability surface for URR = ultimately recovered reserve in the Hubbert linearization of global oil production as a function of the start and end year of fitting. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

Using the same stability region as we did for K, we get the density plot:

Density plot of stability surface for URR in the Hubbert linearization of global oil production. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Scale is 0 (blue) to 3000gb (red), with 1500gb being green. Contours are 30gb apart. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

The deviation over this region is 130gb, which I double to give a two sigma error bar of 260gb.

To translate these stability estimates into more convenient form, I did the following. Firstly I assumed that the highest URR estimate would correspond to the lowest K estimate (this is pretty close to true, as the main uncertainy in the linearization corresponds to the slope of the line, not it's vertical position). Next, I fixed the date of peak in the production versus time graph by insisting that all models match the correct value for the end of 2004 cumulative production of 1059gb. Ie my constraint insists that the area under the model before 2004 must be the same as the area under the real production versus time graph before 2004.

(One drawback of this is that since the logistic tails are systematically too high, because the tails are really Gaussian, it then has to make up the difference in the rest of the fit).

That gave me two models, which I call Logistic-High (with URR= 2510gb, K=4.6%, and a peak in late 2011), and another Logistic-Low (with URR=1990gb, K=5.2%, and the peak of the smooth curve in the middle of 2002). Those bound the two-sigma region for the center of the model evolution, given the linearization uncertainties.

So if Professor Deffeyes is right about November 2005, it's because he got lucky! The error bars really are quite significant.

The next graph shows everything in a semilog plot to 2020. The middle red line is the best fit logistic, and the upper and lower ones are the logistic-high and logistic-low ones. Note that these are not error bars on annual production. They are error bars on where the center of the model would go, if it was truly logistic, and if extrapolation of this last region of linearity in the linearization is valid. Annual production can have significant noisy excursions above and below whatever the true line turns out to be.

Average annual oil production on a semilog plot with quadratic (ie Gaussian) fit, central, high, and low logistics, and piecewise exponentials. 1860-2020. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

Moving back into regular old production numbers, rather than the semilog plot, here's the various models extrapolated to 2040:

Average annual oil production with quadratic (ie Gaussian) fit, central, high, and low logistics, and piecewise exponentials. 1860-2040. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

Again, it's very important to remember that the high and low models are error bars on where the center of the model would go, if it was truly logistic, and if extrapolation of this last region of linearity in the linearization is valid. Annual production can have significant noisy excursions above and below whatever the true line turns out to be.

The Gaussian peak is in 2024 at 95mbpd, but I don't trust that extrapolation. The linearization-based logistics are a lot more likely to be correct in my opinion. Notice that the last couple of year's production are a big spike above the logistic models. But that's ok, because the spike seems to be ending in the recent production plateau.

Let's bring it back to growth rates. Here's a year-on-year growth rate graph again, with all models included. The black line is the same Gaussian model from previous graphs (achieved by fitting a quadratic to the logarithm of production). The grey line is a direct linear fit to all the growth rates. That is a Gaussian curve too, but you can see it's much more pessimistic if you do it this way. This is further evidence of the instability of Gaussian prediction at this pre-peak stage, in my opinion. However, that most pessimistic model still takes till 2038 to hit 5% decline rates on a sustained basis.

Hubbert linearization of global oil production. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Color coding of data ranges matches the previous plots. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

Note that the world economy achieved 4-5% annual reductions in oil usage between 1979-1983 without collapsing. So I continue to believe that all this modeling suggests the future decline rates are within the adaptive capacity of the economy -- it's a slow squeeze, as I put it last month. I'm not saying that there won't be major economic hard times, but it does appear to me that peak oil is something that society can handle for quite some time to come, unless these models are just worthless.

A last caveat. One of the major reasons for a linearization extrapolation to go wrong is that there's a big chunk of discovery that isn't even seriously started production yet. I do not think there are any such discoveries in the conventional oil world (the Caspian is quite small on the world scale, and I think deepwater is well under way). However, there are trillions of possible barrels of LQHCs (low quality hydrocarbons), such as tar sands, extra-heavy oils, coal-to-liquids, and then biofuels. That stuff can't be ramped in a hurry, but it will probably get ramped up eventually (depending on the climate wild card). The linearization is not taking account of those things. So if I had to guess, my scientific, wild-ass guess about what will happen is something like the yellow curve in the following:

Average annual oil production on a semilog plot with quadratic (ie Gaussian) fit, central, high, and low logistics, and piecewise exponentials, together with scientific wild-assed guess (SWAG) as to the extrapolation of the piecewise exponential. 1860-2040. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

In production space, that looks like:

Average annual oil production with quadratic (ie Gaussian) fit, central, high, and low logistics, piecewise exponentials and SWAG extrapolation in yellow. 1860-2040. Click to enlarge. Believed to be all liquids, but excluding refinery gains. Data sources: API, ASPO, and BP.

However, please don't take the specific numbers on that yellow curve too seriously - it's just intended to illustrate a general qualitative idea of what might happen.

(disclaimer: I am not a number person, my background is in humanistics)

Stuart, thank you for your work, again. Some of your graphs remind me one of the presentations from ASPO Berlin in 2004: A dynamic approach of oil production, by Olivier Rech [Institue Français du Pétrole] (pdf file, 408KB).

As I said, maybe this has nothing to do with your work, but I would like you to check that presentation.

Very nice work.  And thank you for being a voice of sanity, with this:

Note that the world economy achieved 4-5% annual reductions in oil usage between 1979-1983 without collapsing. So I continue to believe that all this modeling suggests the future decline rates are within the adaptive capacity of the economy -- it's a slow squeeze, as I put it last month. I'm not saying that there won't be major economic hard times, but it does appear to me that peak oil is something that society can handle for quite some time to come, unless these models are just worthless.

For what it's worth, I agree.

The voice of sanity?

We have a problem Houston. How many people has the planet gained in the past 22 years? How did we achieve that growth? The green revolution? The conversion of hydrocarbons to food? Yes.

What about the compounding effect of year upon year 4-5% annual reductions in production?

Without constant cheap-energy feeding growth, the economy collapses. Demand destruction? Yes. People destruction? Yes.

I do not believe that Cheney, the evil one, will let the U.S. and, in particular, the rich suffer the loss of oil. We will try with our oafish, clumsy little fascist ways to force, intimidate, beat down, and kill any state that stands in the way of easy motoring, but that will back-fire. When Israel drops that first bunker buster on Iran in March, Iran will shut down its production. It may shut down the Strait of Hormuz. Could you whip up a chart showing the percentage drop in production in that event?

Don't forget the stunningly ripe target of Saudi Arabia. A few well-placed Silkworm missiles could end half or more of their capacity to export for years.

The idea that we will have a smooth transition away from cheap energy is panglossian.

The one thing you do not chart is the level of societal stability as related to the cutoff of resources in any one region or state.

Why did Germany go a questing in World War Two? Why did Japan?

The only state to suffer a post oil conversion in a shocking fashion is Cuba. It survived, but it had a command economy. Does that mean we need to emulate Cuba? No more democracy?

Of course no one in the US would ever accede to that. And that is why when the resource wars get really hotted up, the people of the United States will find it is too late to command an effective strategy. We will have a thousand New Orleans, and, given how efficiently the Bush government responded to that single catastrophe, we can assume each region will be on its own right up until the feds institute martial law. (assuming that most of our troops won't be trapped fighting an enormous uprising in Iraq switched on by Iran in retaliation for our insane attack by proxy)

No. I do not believe that "future decline rates are within the adaptive capacity of the economy." The problem is there is a real world out there and the people in it are blowing their noses on the pieces of graph paper that are blowing loose in the streets.

It always amazes me when I see obviously intelligent people shuffle paper, throw down a few graphs, qualify their sources, explain a little glitch, then point at full color charts and say, "Look. There's no need to worry! Everything is just fine."

It is not. We are on the edge of a crumbling cliff. The question is, do we move away from the cliff, or do we argue the definition of cliff? "Look, it seems that the cliff is really only a 50% slope. Let me draw you a chart."

Alas. I fear we will be holding a fluttering chart as we fall ala Wile E. Coyote.

Pow. A puff of dust. Another piece of graph paper blows down the highway.

I think the problem is how long we can do that without serious pain and disruption.

Tainter's declining marginal returns applies to conservation, too.  We picked the low-hanging fruit in the '70s and '80s. It's going to be a lot tougher this time around.  

You're forgetting two things:
  1. We gave up a lot of that low-hanging fruit after 1985.  It's still there.
  2. Technology hasn't stood still, and it's brought even more fruit into reach.
Just look at batteries.  During the first energy crisis, we pretty much had flooded lead-acid and flooded nickel-cadmium.  Today we've got several sealed varieties of both, plus lithium-ion with at least three completely different cathode chemistries (lithium cobalt oxide, iron lithium phosphate, lithium titanate).  Even lead-acid is back, with lightweight carbon foam instead of solid metal for backing and interconnection.

Transmission wires used to be copper, or copper over steel.  Then they moved to aluminum, with or without steel cores.  One of Richard Smalley's last projects was wires made of Buckytubes:  6 times as conductive as copper at 1/4 or less of the weight, and made of a material that we literally cannot run out of until we've sucked all of our emissions back to the Industrial Revolution out of the atmosphere and re-solidified them.  What kind of fruit is that?  It was unknown 30 years ago!

What kind of fruit are multiple-exciton photovoltaics?  The 72 TW of wind power available world-wide?

The more we learn to do, the more we learn that we can do.  There are ultimate physical limits, but they're far enough away that they cannot become anything that our current expectations would recognize as a crisis.

This is true, also: The more we learn to do, the more we learn that we can't do.
We've slipped a bit, mainly on cars.  We dropped the 55 mph speed limit, and we're driving larger vehicles like SUVs and minivans.  But most of the rest of the changes we made during the last energy crisis are still in place.  New standards for home and office buildings, energy-efficient appliances, etc.  And we burn very little oil for electricity.

The problem with technology is that, as Tainter points out, it has an energy cost. Eventually, you reach the point where further investment in technology does not get you any more benefit.

We have suffered diminishing returns on technology now for at least 50 years.  It's only going to get worse.

My grandfather was born shortly before the Wright Brothers' flight, and lived to see the space shuttle fly.  I doubt I'll see progress like that in my lifetime.  

The problem with technology is that, as Tainter points out, it has an energy cost. Eventually, you reach the point where further investment in technology does not get you any more benefit.
Show me where this has happened without allowing any breakouts elsewhere.  I've got a hint (need to back it up with hard numbers) that some investments in technology get you to 100% savings on energy needs.  Polystyrene-insulated SIP construction appears to be one of those investments; I need to work through the details of the thermal mass required so I can quantify the energy input to the concrete throughout, but I'm cautiously optimistic.
We have suffered diminishing returns on technology now for at least 50 years.  It's only going to get worse.
Semiconductors.  Genetics.  Biotech.  Heck, even solar PV is accelerating its energy-payback; thin-film is under 2 years, and single-crystal is below 4.  Projections are that both of those numbers will fall by half, and that's assuming no alternatives to silicon.

You're way, way too pessimistic.

Show me where this has happened without allowing any breakouts elsewhere.

Easter Island?

I put a link to a paper by Tainter in my previous message.  Here's a synopsis of his book, "The Collapse of Complex Societies":

http://members.aol.com/leanan7/tainter.htm

He did not just handwave.  He crunched the numbers.

Semiconductors.  Genetics.  Biotech.  

I'm not saying we've reached "the end of science" yet.  Just that the cost is becoming prohibitive, and will be more so in the post-carbon age.

You're way, way too pessimistic.

On the contrary.  I am being realistic.  You're way, way too optimistic.  :)

I used to be optimistic about technology.  Heck, I'm an engineer, because I thought the future would be like Star Trek.  

But it didn't turn out the way everyone thought it would.  A decade after the Wright Brothers, there were commercial plane flights.  More than 35 years after man walked on the moon, there are no commercial moonflights.  Why is technology slowing down?

That is the question that brought me to peak oil.

No commercial moonflights, eh ...

Open a few casinos and bordellos.

Fly me to the moon
And let me play among the stars
Let me see what spring is like
On Jupiter and Mars

Seriously, though, we haven't gotten particularly efficient at getting off the planet, have we?

Easter Island?
If your only example is a pre-scientific, pre-industrial society confined to an island, it means you don't have much.

The collapse of the civilizations in Central America seem more apropos.  IIRC, they ran out of soil productivity because they mismanaged it and couldn't feed enough population to maintain their cities.  The problem with applying this to the US is that there is (once again) so much low-hanging fruit; we can get about a 4:1 improvement in animal protein production just by replacing beef with chickens, catfish and tilapia.  If we can farm algae rather than maize, my calculations indicate that we could feed a hundred people off a hectare of algae ponds.

You're way, way too optimistic.  :)
I describe my causes for optimism, with numbers, on my blog.  You might want to pick them apart and show me what I missed.
More than 35 years after man walked on the moon, there are no commercial moonflights.  Why is technology slowing down?
Because aircraft were privately built, while manned spaceflight began as and remained a government monopoly.
If your only example is a pre-scientific, pre-industrial society confined to an island, it means you don't have much.

I think you underestimate "pre-industrial" societies, and overestimate our own.  The technology may be different, but the people - and the problems - are the same.

But the links I posted had plenty of other examples, from our own culture.  Such as:

      Agriculture: To increase world food production by 34 percent (between 1951 and 1966), it took a 63% increase in money spent on tractors, a 146% increase in money spent on nitrate fertilizers, and a 300% increase in money spend on pesticides. To get another 34% would take even more money.

        Medicine: Despite the fact that we are spending more money on health care and medical research than ever, the American lifespan is not increasing much. The easy fixes - vitamins, vaccines, sanitation, etc. - have already been done. Now, we are struggling just to keep lifespan from decreasing (due to new challenges like AIDS).

        Science: Most of the great work of science was done years, even centuries ago. Many of the greatest contributions to science were made by people without formal training. But the day is past when monks growing peas or people flying kites in the rain can make significant contributions to science. The general knowledge, which provided the greatest benefits, is already known. The specialist knowledge remaining to be discovered requires expensive education, for relatively little return. Something like 90% of all the scientists who have ever lived on earth are alive right now, yet technological innovation is slowing.

        Oil: In 1950, one barrel of oil's worth of energy could get you 100 barrels in return. Now, it's more like 1:10 in the U.S., 1:30 for Middle East oil shipped here. That sort of decline applies to most resources: coal, copper, natural gas, etc.

        R&D: Technology has saves us in the past; can it save us again? Probably not. Analysis shows that an increase in spending on R&D of 4.2% yields an improvement of only 2%. At that rate, even if every one of us becomes a scientist or engineer, we'll be losing ground.

        Government: Increasing complexity means increasing bureaucracy, and all the expenses that entails. Generally, it means higher taxes. At first, the benefits of complexity - roads, schools, defense, public works - are so great that people don't mind paying taxes. But as complexity increases, taxes rise, and the local benefit decreases. The government must spend resources on enforcing compliance. Generally, the tipping point is about 20% - which we're past.

You see what I mean?  It's not that we won't continue innovating.  It's that it's taking more and more work, more and more energy, more and more resources, for less and less benefit.  In the face of peak oil, we will not be able to continue down that path.  

Because aircraft were privately built, while manned spaceflight began as and remained a government monopoly.

We would not have commercial air flights now if it weren't for government support.  We would not have any transportation systems at all without the government.

I think you underestimate "pre-industrial" societies, and overestimate our own.  The technology may be different, but the people - and the problems - are the same.
Then why do we have more scientific and technological advances in the last century than in the previous 24?  We have something humanity has never had before, and that is the scientific method and the culture in which it exists.
Agriculture: To increase world food production by 34 percent (between 1951 and 1966), it took a 63% increase in money spent on tractors, a 146% increase in money spent on nitrate fertilizers, and a 300% increase in money spend on pesticides. To get another 34% would take even more money.
Do we need another 34%?  I understand that Monsanto has nitrogen-fixing maize (there goes your whole budget for nitrates), BT corn is only the first step (what were you saying about pesticides?), and tractors are only required by non-subsistence farmers.  Tractors last decades if properly maintained, and small tractors have been converted to electric propulsion with good results.

If you go to non-traditional crops, things look even better.  My (somewhat pessimistic) calculations indicate that you can grow 3000 calories/day of tilapia for 115 people on a hectare of algae pond.

Medicine: Despite the fact that we are spending more money on health care and medical research than ever, the American lifespan is not increasing much. The easy fixes - vitamins, vaccines, sanitation, etc. - have already been done. Now, we are struggling just to keep lifespan from decreasing (due to new challenges like AIDS).
I suppose it never occurred to you that AIDS, heart disease and lung cancer are mostly behavioral diseases.  Serve green salads instead of french fries and spend enough time harassing smokers to quit and promiscuous people and IV drug abusers to change their ways, and those problems shrink with no medical advances at all.  Of course, you might not like the liberty costs.

Outside those areas, science still yields dividends.  There have been recent developments in vaccine production, to give one example.  Using fragments of DNA instead of whole viruses and multiplying them in vats rather than growing them in eggs could produce a year's worth of vaccine in days or weeks instead of months.  The major obstacle there isn't scientific or technological, it's financial/bureaucratic.

Science: Most of the great work of science was done years, even centuries ago. Many of the greatest contributions to science were made by people without formal training. But the day is past when monks growing peas or people flying kites in the rain can make significant contributions to science.
Oddly, we are still getting original contributions to science and mathematics from entries in high-school science fairs.  Only the creme de la creme, of course, but they exist.
The specialist knowledge remaining to be discovered requires expensive education, for relatively little return. Something like 90% of all the scientists who have ever lived on earth are alive right now, yet technological innovation is slowing.
You conflate science with technology.  Technology uses science, but scientists do not typically create technologies.

The pace of technological change continues to accelerate in many areas; just look at the announcements over the last 2 years in photovoltaics, batteries, and biotech.  (That's just what I've been looking at; there's much more.)

Oil: In 1950, one barrel of oil's worth of energy could get you 100 barrels in return. Now, it's more like 1:10 in the U.S., 1:30 for Middle East oil shipped here. That sort of decline applies to most resources: coal, copper, natural gas, etc.
What does a kWh of energy into a wind turbine get you back?  What are the prospects for coppiced willow shrubs, or Miscanthus Giganticus?  (They're perennials; you plant them, and they produce for 10 years or more.)
R&D: Technology has saves us in the past; can it save us again? Probably not. Analysis shows that an increase in spending on R&D of 4.2% yields an improvement of only 2%. At that rate, even if every one of us becomes a scientist or engineer, we'll be losing ground.
Sounds more to me that there's a limit to the pace at which human institutions can absorb change.  Since it is obviously drawn from historical data, it cannot mean that there is some end point beyond which we can't advance; we've never seen any such thing, and such a conclusion cannot be supported by experience.

More likely, it means that we've got X fraction of people who are effective at R&D; once they are fully employed, spending more money means bringing in less-effective people who yield less for the expenditure.  No mysteries there.  Creating better analytical and other development tools will increase productivity across the board; the easier they are to use, the more people will see greater productivity.

Government: Increasing complexity means increasing bureaucracy, and all the expenses that entails.... Generally, the tipping point is about 20% - which we're past.
I completely fail to see how advances like better vaccines, improved PV systems or Buckytube wires for electric transmission require more complex government.  Lots of things would be improved by a less complex government, with fewer loopholes and preferences for existing special interests (which are threatened by innovation and tend to oppose what they don't control).
You see what I mean?  It's not that we won't continue innovating.  It's that it's taking more and more work, more and more energy, more and more resources, for less and less benefit.  In the face of peak oil, we will not be able to continue down that path.
I understand you, it's just that I'm absolutely certain you're wrong.
We would not have commercial air flights now if it weren't for government support.  We would not have any transportation systems at all without the government.
Hah.  Private turnpikes in the USA date from 1795, and of the major modes of transport over the last 20 centuries, government invented exactly zero of them.  The first airfields were private, the first railroads were private, the first steamships were private... I have not studied the matter, but I would not be surprised to learn that the first barge canals were private.

Government serves best by studying to see if the public interest is best served by a particular type or direction of development, setting up non-discriminatory incentives if it is, and then getting out of the way.  Fix global warming?  Set up a comprehensive system of GHG emission taxes and sequestration credits, get out of the way.  If government has done it right it will cost to do the wrong thing and pay to do the right thing, and people will stampede to do the things that pay.  The people who set the policy don't have to know how the ends will be accomplished, only that the benefits are restricted to those actions which accomplish them.  What gets rewarded, gets done.

Then why do we have more scientific and technological advances in the last century than in the previous 24?  We have something humanity has never had before, and that is the scientific method and the culture in which it exists.

Wrong.  We have something humanity has never had before: cheap oil.

All the "advances" you list are possible because of cheap energy.  Energy has been so cheap, for so long, we cannot imagine life without it.  We are fish, trying to imagine the desert.  

As a small example...glass-making has been known for 5,000 years or more.  Yet most people did not use it until recently.  Why?  Because it was too expensive.  It took so much fuel to make that only the wealthy could afford it.  We are so used to cheap energy that the idea of materials such as steel and glass being too expensive for ordinary people to own is completely foreign to us.  But that is the future we are looking at.

Private turnpikes in the USA date from 1795, and of the major modes of transport over the last 20 centuries, government invented exactly zero of them.  The first airfields were private, the first railroads were private, the first steamships were private... I have not studied the matter, but I would not be surprised to learn that the first barge canals were private.

I'm not talking about the "first."  I'm talking about usable infrastructure.  How many people would buy cars if there weren't any highways to drive on?  And would even Bill Gates be able to afford to build the whole road system himself?  No. Similarly, airlines were made possible by government funding of airports.  They built a bunch of them for wartime use, and that opened up aviation for widespread civilian use.  Even now, the FAA funds 90% or more of airport construction costs.  The major airlines have never been really profitable.  They exist because of government subsidies.

Yes, the government can be inefficient at doing what it does.  But that's sort of my point.  Part of the cost of complexity is that "overhead."  It becomes harder and harder to coordinate among all the specialists.  Yet it must be done...at greater and greater cost.

We have something humanity has never had before: cheap oil.
That oil was there probably since the first mammals hid from dinosaurs.  So was every bit of coal on earth.  They didn't change, we did.

Oil and coal aren't the only things we learned to make cheap(er).  Wind turbines are nearly competitive with coal, and much cheaper than N. American gas.  PV has come down from dollars/kWh to a small multiple of retail rates.  Ethanol is a boondoggle, but we've got a host of different ways to grow other fuels and raw materials.

We never had those before the past few decades, and they're not something that we can use up.  You can't exhaust the sun, the wind or knowledge.

All the "advances" you list are possible because of cheap energy.
Really?  Storage batteries and wind turbines are only possible because of cheap energy?  (Both predate the rise of petroleum.)  Gene transfer and electric tractors?  (We were making tractors with coal and firing them with wood before we learned how to use electricity effectively.  That knowledge isn't going away.)
glass-making has been known for 5,000 years or more.  Yet most people did not use it until recently.  Why?  Because it was too expensive.
And here I was thinking it was because monarchs decided to do silly things like imposing exorbitant taxes on windows when they got popular.
I'm talking about usable infrastructure.  How many people would buy cars if there weren't any highways to drive on?
Everyone who bought a Model T did.

Here's what you said:

We would not have any transportation systems at all without the government.
There were paths passable by wagons in areas where government did nothing.  There were boats and barges on rivers, lakes and seas.  This isn't much of a transportation system as we understand it, but it was there.  Railroads were largely developed with private money (and governmental land grants, but that was mostly money-grubbing).  All of these would have been extended where the usefulness justified the investment; as I showed you, in many cases these investments were private.  All government has to do is allocate property rights so that the investment can be recovered.
airlines were made possible by government funding of airports.  They built a bunch of them for wartime use, and that opened up aviation for widespread civilian use.
This would have been a great surprise to Eddie Rickenbacker, who built Eastern Airlines well before WWII's boom in airport construction (his fleet of DC-3's went into war service).  IIRC, the US Army Air Corps was still flying biplanes in 1941.
Part of the cost of complexity is that "overhead."  It becomes harder and harder to coordinate among all the specialists.  Yet it must be done...at greater and greater cost.
You mean, like all the specialists who had to coördinate to build all the applications we use on the Internet?  Wait, they just took common protocols and built what they wanted on top of them without any need to get permission from anyone.  Hey, how about all the specialists who made all our electrical stuff run?  Whoops, no coördination there either; they took the electrical codes and built stuff to work with it.  Maybe all the people who have to coördinate to get a city's worth of commuters to work in their cars every morning? (snicker)

I'm sorry, but that's ridiculous.  The only reason you would have such coördination issues is if the problem cannot be broken down into manageable pieces, or if an idiotic government imposes a command-and-control system where everyone has to get permission before doing anything.  The only reason you see problems is because you have no knowledge of how things actually get done, or you willfully ignore what you see.

The first canals were private, but the first (and virtually the only) profitable canal was done by New York State.
Hello, thank you for all this brilliant and somewhat encouraging information.  Let me offer this before I pass out for the night.  It appears to me that the Percentage production change over prior year graph would look better modelled as some kind of bounded sinusoidal that converges on perhaps -2% change.  It would be nice if I could figure out how to have different upper and lower bounds and constrain it more appropriately.  Whether this provides some insight, I don't know.

I agree, and what you are describing is a squeeze function. I have to think back to calc class, but i believe the mathematical model is based on x^2*sin(x)
excellent analysis, Stuart.  lots of good information here.  

i would have to agree that based on the raw data (i.e. annualized production growth over last 20 years) that the case for a sharp global decline is unlikely.  if there is any sort of symmetry in production, we are unlikely to face decline rates over 2% for 5-10 years.  According to Hirsch, the 2% decline is the benchmark for the Lower-48, so i would expect no worse than that globally, barring catastrophic events.  

even if we do have 4-5% declines within a few years post-peak, as you state, we weathered that for 3 years in the early 80's.  however, i would add that the dollar was not nearly so inflated and in such a precarious position 25 years ago, as it is today.  neither was the entire economy leveraged on the housing boom, nor were current account debt, public or private debt out of control.  neither was the household savings rate at 0%.  so there are some definite qualitative differences (and many others of course).  we also don't know how we would handle 5% declines for more than 3 years.  i would say 5+ years at 5% decline rates means we're getting into the risky zone; a.k.a. The Final Frontier.  

Perhaps we have forgotten just what the economy was like between 79 and 83? It was the worst run for the economy during the twentieth century with the exception of the 30s. And while the economy may be able to withstand it for 3 or 4 years (never mind the people), would it be able to do so for 30 or 40 years? That may be what we are facing.
While Stuart's slow squeeze scenarios are vastly preferable to the various Mad Max collapse images that have run through my head over the last year, I still blanche at the implications for my children and their cousins.

I ask myself, what historical period, in what country, would most resemble a declining First World?  

Probably none on the whole - the "unprecedented" argument.  But perhaps Weimar Germany with respect to the hyperinflation and, especially, the descent into fascism.  Who knew when they read it in high school that 1984 was a peak oil primer?
No matter how I dislike to, I'll also join this prediction. I can not model it scientifically, but this is the only logical end result of the game we are playing now.
It's just a matter of time.
I think you're right.  Stirling Newberry, left-leaning economist, wrote about peak oil at DailyKos last month:

http://www.dailykos.com/story/2005/12/23/8100/7172

He argues that WWI and WWII were part of the world's adjustment to a new energy source.  

...The people on the extreme end of the alarmist spectrum are making dire predictions. They aren't out of line - the last three Europeancentric world conflicts have all had the transition of energy systems as a key component of their continuation. That is, acquisition of energy was a key part of the reason for continued conflict, and the limits of the old energy system - which includes subsistence agriculture - were often a reason for going to war in the first place.

The last energy transition is not reassuring - in the late 19th and early 20th century, internal combustion began to replace steam power. The coal economy of that time could not keep very many people in affluence - though it could keep more people in affluence, and many more people alive than the previous mechanical water/wave economy. The 1899-1918 period saw a series of conflicts which could be labelled "the last of the rock wars" - the last wars over access to coal and gold, the two key commodities in the coal age. Coal ran the economy, and gold measured the economy. Since wealth was created by digging rocks out of the ground and turning them into things, gold was a good measure of the flow of raw value into the society, and therefore a good incentive to productivity.

The first world war made it clear that the rock economy was doomed. The great war machine of that economy - the battleship - was both useless - naval power was indecisive at Jutland and in sufficient to force a landing at Gallipoli - and awe inspiringly expensive in gold terms. It bankrupted major industrial nations, whose economies could not support the war machines that their economies required to have in existence.

I suppose WWII was not quite as bad as Mad Max (though European Jews might have had a different view of it).  However...I really fear this "energy transition" will be much harder than the last.  Oil was a "better" source of energy.  Barring the miraculous discovery of zero point energy or some such thing, we will be switching to a lower-quality form of energy.